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Di Cavalcanti’s Provocative Nude Captures the Sensuality of Brazil

Brazil is combating many kinds of inequality. It is not a big mountain, the green slope that rises near her home, but the area is controlled by drug dealers, so she was anxious, hiking up. But she had something really important to ask of God, and she wanted to be somewhere she felt that the magnitude of her request would be clear. See more from Stephanie Nolen on how race and racism are discussed, addressed and lived in one of the world's most diverse countries. And so, when their baby arrived, the sight of her filled Ms.

On some level, it was a progressive ideology, notes Prof. It also resulted in a more genuinely mixed culture, although that mixture is the outcome, in part, of appropriation. Cornerstones of black culture - such as samba music and the martial art capoeirapractised in secret by slaves - have been thoroughly co-opted into Brazilian identity. But within that culture, and that society, there was an ineluctable hierarchy of what were to be considered racial traits.

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To be whiter was to have a better chance of getting a job, and of earning more in that job. To be whiter, in other words, was to have it easier.

There was no land reform to break up the giant plantations and give the former slaves a way to support themselves. In the neighbourhoods below, the darker the red, the higher the concentration of people who identified as white.

The higher concentration of self-identified white people tends to lead to a higher average monthly income in the neighbourhood.

Mouseover regions for details. Click to zoom in and out. Monthly income includes respondants with no income. The legacy of slavery, and the failure to address it, is visible in myriad other ways as well. Brazil has seen enormous social progress in the past 13 years: more than 30 million people, nearly a sixth of the population, has moved out of poverty into the lower middle class.

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That boost came from both an economic boom driven by vast offshore oil finds, and high commodity prices fuelled by Chinese demand and from progressive social policies implemented by a series of left-wing governments that dramatically raised the minimum wage and used targeted cash transfers to bring economic security to the poor. But that progress has not touched all Brazilians equally. Even after those 13 years of rapid change, black and mixed-race Brazilians continue to earn far less than do white ones: More than 30 per cent fewer of them finish high school.

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Black Brazilians die younger, and young black men die at dramatically higher rates, than do white ones, typically victims of violence, often at the hands of police. Indeed, in many ways the economic and social progress has served only to bring into stark relief how entrenched the hierarchy of race and colour remains.

At the last census, in51 per cent of Brazilians identified themselves as black or of mixed race. But the halls of power show something else.

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Of 38 members of the federal cabinet, one is black - the minister for the promotion of racial equality. Eighty per cent of the National Congress is white. Even interracial marriages are not the tribute to colour-blindness that they might appear to be. Disaggregate the data on who is marrying whom, and they show that such marriages are least common in the highest predominantly white income brackets, and most common among the lowest earners, who are almost entirely black or of mixed race.

The relationship, at least on one level, is an economic transaction - each person is gaining social mobility, of one kind or the other. There is also a sort of alchemy, Prof. Ribeiro explains, by which people with a mixed racial heritage who succeed in business or politics, such as billionaire media magnate Roberto Marinho, come to be viewed as white.

Even in the two fields in which black Brazilians succeed at the highest levels - sports and music - that alchemy can work its dark magic. Soccer phenom Neymar da Silva Santos Jr.

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It was against this long and complex backdrop that Ms. They hung out with a multiracial bunch of kids, and neither thought about race, they say, when they wound up kissing on a street corner one night. His own father is as dark-skinned as she is.

He says it went over just fine. It felt like I was doing some great thing. There is a cost, for Brazil, in this determination to let race continue to dictate opportunity: in the huge numbers of black men who find themselves in prison rather than in schools or workplaces, in successive generations of black women consigned to domestic work because that is all for which they are perceived to be suitable. This costs everyone, notes Prof. And then there is another kind of cost, the kind that comes in an intimate moment between mother and daughter.

This colour is ugly. She moves with the confidence of a woman who knows she is beautiful. And as an evangelical Christian, she does not want to suggest that God could have made a mistake when he created her. But those innately felt truths are sometimes hard to reconcile with what she has been told all her life. Yet her mother never made comments like that to her sister. I believed everyone was looking at me.

But it could be another universe. The roads are terrible, the police swoop through only to collect bribes, and people live in rough brick houses behind high walls. But there is space out here, away from the more expensive, congested favelas in the city centre, and a chance to build a house like she and her husband have; extended families move here seeking a toehold in the new middle class.

When she was a kid, she says, her sisters told her that someone with her nose, her hair, could not hope to find a husband. The idea took such firm hold that she would not let anyone take her photo until she was in her 20s. Like Ms. And, she says, as she got tired of hoping, fruitlessly, to be lighter. They do it, Simone and Daniele say, with complete affection.

When she fills out the census, Ms. He insists that he, Ms. At 68, Ms. And she insists she was blind to race, too. Her childhood, as she recalls it, was marked by the fact that no one in the family could or would take on the task of styling her hair, and instead her mother kept it in a buzz cut. Simone cannot help herself; she pops her head back in the room and glares. These are not conversations that Brazilians have easily.

And for sensitive topics, it is better not to use the word at all. There is a universal gesture - hold out one arm, then take a finger from the other hand and rub a bit at the skin, as if you are testing a cream. And when Ms. It makes his mother throw her hands up in exration. They call Liberdade the blackest place outside Africa.

The state is per-cent black; Liberdade, even blacker. Freed slaves settled here, below the formal town; today the neighbourhood is a jumble of small stores and coffee shops, brick houses perpetually awaiting another storey, and creaking buses navigating narrow alleys. Liberdade is under the control of criminal gangs who run drugs, and extract extortion payments from the small businesses; it is also full of kids playing in the street and old men gossiping on sunny stoops.

The clinic is crowded from the moment it opens each day; it serves 6, people, or twice as many as it is meant to on paper, and it has a star attraction: Dr. He is one of two doctors at the clinic.

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Six-foot-four and lanky, with hipster glasses and a funky T-shirt under his white coat, he has a joke and a smile for everyone, and the line outside his door lasts all day long. About that hair. Some days Dr. Vidal wears it in narrow braids gathered in a ponytail at the nape of his neck. Sometimes, he leaves it loose, in a nimbus like a late-season dandelion. He never cuts it short, the way most black Brazilian men do. Still, he understands the unspoken questions; he knows why people push open his office door, look at him in his white coat, then ask when the doctor will be back.

He is the first black physician most of his patients have ever had. When he graduated from the medical school at the Federal University of Bahia UFBAjust two years ago, he was the only black student on the stage.

Di Cavalcanti’s Provocative Nude Captures the Sensuality of Brazil

He grew up here, in Liberdade. The successive waves of immigration played the biggest role in this. And then, incame a change that startled demographers. For the first time since the slavery era, there were more black and mixed-race Brazilians than white ones. Soares, who is white. There has been a black movement here since before the end of slavery, but it has never been influential.

With the end of two decades of military dictatorship inhowever, there began to be new space for debate about rights. The constitution adopted in awarded some descendants of former slaves title to the land they lived on. Bythere was a national human-rights action plan, and it included a directive on the need to compensate black people for slavery, although no plan for how to do it.

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Slowly, there began to be a public conversation about the legacy of slavery as more than just a range of skin tones and their corresponding adjectives. His grandmothers on both sides were illiterate; two generations before, his ancestors had been slaves. At 21, she married a man with a basic education, like her own; he was a low-ranking member of the military police force, part of the vast pool of low-paid black men and lately women Brazil uses to do most of its street policing. The couple had two children; his work often took him away, while Ms.

Instead, she sought out English lessons to fill his afternoons. English is still not widely spoken in Brazil; at the time, it was a preposterous pursuit for a poor black kid. Everyone thought so, except Ms. Vidal says nonchalantly, as if this were a perfectly normal thing to want in a neighbourhood where the only kids who ever had new shoes were the ones who ran packages for the drug lords.

But his plan required a university education.

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And that presented a conundrum. Brazil has two kinds of universities: There are private ones, which are either exceedingly expensive or of very poor quality.

And there are public ones, run by the federal and state governments, which tend to be of a much higher calibre - and are free. But because competition for spots in the public schools is fierce, only applicants who have had a private-school education, and the benefit of months or even years of private coaching for the entrance exam, can pass the entrance test.

But inUFBA introduced a new policy: 36 per cent of seats would now be reserved for black and mixed-race students. For years, black activists had been targeting the universities, as the ultimate symbols and purveyors of the elite, for a first effort at affirmative action. Inuniversity administrations began to adopt ad hoc strategies, reserving spots for non-white students. The quotas, as they are baldly called here, applied to every faculty, but they had an outsized impact on the prestigious schools of law, medicine and engineering, which, even in majority-black Bahia, had long graduated all-white classes, year after year.

The quotas pushed the normally veiled discussion about race in Brazil into the open. Students and faculty staged large, angry protests against them. The harshest critics of affirmative action insisted the policy was introducing racial discrimination into Brazil - rather than working to mitigate it - simply by noting the very existence of a hierarchy between the races.

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The goal of the quotas, he says, is to help a small slice of middle-class blacks - not because the government particularly likes them, but because they are a useful political constituency. The argument, notes the activist Ivanir dos Santos, neatly sidesteps the discussion of the historical roots of the inequality, or the need to compensate for it. In Dr. Vidal wrote the UFBA entrance exam, applied as a black student, and was accepted in the first class under the quota system.

He says that he and a handful of other affirmative-action students, while not publicly identified as such, were startlingly visible against the backdrop of the all-white student body. There was rarely overt hostility - racism in Brazil is never overt, Dr. Vidal notes sardonically - but opposition to the policy was palpable. A professor, looking somewhere over Dr.

Vidal to overhear. Research at UFBA and other Brazilian universities has found that affirmative-action students do as well as or, in many cases, outperform their classmates. Vidal graduated at the top of his class and promptly began a residency in the family-health program in his old neighbourhood. The older women soon made peace with his hair. All the pregnant ladies began to seek him out, for his patience and that 1,watt smile. And he faced it.

The tower is the first new building in that multibillion-dollar redevelopment project, which the mayor calls the Porto Maravilha - the Marvellous Port he vows will reclaim the blighted inner city. The new tower had been built by a U. His listeners nodded approvingly. There were about people at the event; of the eight who were not white, six were waiters or other staff.

While the mayor was opening the tower, another event was unfolding less than a kilometre up the road.

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They said they would push the federal government to make their initiative a national effort, like the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, concluded last year, that investigated decades of human-rights abuses during military rule in Brazil. But in the months to come, the commission foundered. Public meetings were sparsely attended, and received scant media coverage.

The federal government made no move to take over the commission or even endorse it. And the commissioners struggled to find sources for the truth they wanted told - for a variety of reasons, including the fact that, because few slave owners were themselves literate, there is a much thinner surviving historical record of Brazilian than, for example, American slavery.

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One question, of course, is what happened here; another is what its victims are owed. Dias explained in an interview before the meeting began. The commissioners discussed the model that was implemented in Germany after the Second World War, but concluded that it would be impossible, hundreds of years later, to calculate a value that is owed to individuals - and in any case government would never pay.

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